The report, titled “Discounted Jobs: How Retailers Sell Workers Short,” surveyed 436 workers in jobs across the five boroughs, making it one of the most comprehensive studies to date on the industry’s workforce in New York.

It found retail workers are often paid poverty-level wages, rarely receive benefits, lack paid sick days, and many are forced to rely on government programs.

Some of the highlights findings:

A third of New York City retail workers support families on less than $10 an hour, and more than half rely on government programs for health care or simply live without it.

Nearly one-third of those surveyed supported at least one additional family member on their wages; their median income was $9.50 an hour.

Typically, retail has been considered an entry-level job, focused on younger employees or women who are also juggling family-raising duties. But more than 70% of surveyed workers had completed some college or possessed a college degree.

Read the full story from Crain’s New York Business: Retail workers struggle to make ends meet »

Your nose is running, your throat is scratchy, and your eyes are burning. But you drag yourself out of bed, dress, and head to the office anyway feeling virtuous and sick. Once there, you proceed to share your virus with your coworkers. But at least you showed up to get the job done, right?

Wrong, according to a new study. Presenteeism — attending work while ill — is not always a smart choice for individuals or the organizations for which they work. It is entirely possible that a worker who is ill may be present physically, but mentally he or she might as well be home in bed.

A flu or cold virus or other illness spreading among coworkers can mean the loss of more than one employee’s productivity. It can paralyze entire departments. The study found that certain organizational cultures tend to promote presenteeism, or at least discourage absenteeism.

For the study, Gary Johns, a management professor at Concordia’s John Molson School of Business surveyed 444 people, asking about their job requirements, work experience, the numbers of days they had been out sick (absenteeism), and the number of days they had come to work feeling ill (presenteeism).

Read more from The Atlantic: The Cost of Not Taking a Sick Day »

As we head into 2012, there are a lot of questions about where the Occupy energy will go from here. I’m confident it will move in powerful directions–fighting unjust foreclosures and evictions, exploring alternative banking, taking on outrageous student debt, countering the corrosive role of corporate money in politics, and allying in new ways with the growing ranks of poor Americans.

But there are also tangible—maybe not sexy or systemic—reforms that make a real difference in people’s lives and speak to OWS principles, and would benefit from its energy and activism. In 2011, two victories on paid sick leave offer something to build on as we work towards an economy that is more just and fair. Connecticut became the first state to guarantee this common sense protection for working people; and Seattle joined San Francisco and Washington, DC as the only cities with paid sick leave on the books.

As of New Year’s Day, hundreds of thousands of workers in Connecticut no longer have to choose between a paycheck, a job and taking care of a sick child or themselves; and on September 1, when the Seattle law takes effect, an estimated 150,000 workers who didn’t have paid sick days will begin to accrue them—thousands more will earn additional paid sick leave and have the flexibility and protection to actually use it. With more than 40 million workers in the US lacking a single paid sick day—and low-wage, women and Latino workers disproportionately affected—these new laws will also offer more evidence that this humane, decent approach to the workplace is also good for business. That’s important as more states and municipalities look to pass similar legislation.

What makes me angry is that paid sick leave is treated as a left versus right issue, when it’ s really about right versus wrong, and common sense. That was something organizers seized on as they pushed the Seattle bill.

“When parents don’t have access to paid sick leave, that means when their kids are sick they can’t stay home with that child,” says Marilyn Watkins, policy director for the Economic Opportunity Institute (EOI) which brought together public health groups, businesses, unions and community organizations to form the Seattle Coalition for a Healthy Workforce. “We had school nurses testifying about sick kids lined up in their offices with no adult able to come pick them up. Or children begging them not to call a parent because they were afraid she would lose her job if she had to come and pick them up.”

But even when the moral argument is clear, one lesson from both the Seattle and Connecticut victories is this: only hard, savvy organizing can overcome the entrenched corporate interests and Big Business lobbies with their rote arguments that reform will “cost jobs” or create a “competitive disadvantage”, “now isn’t the time”, etc. As Connecticut Working Families Party (CT WFP) executive director Jon Green puts it, “There are no shortcuts” when it comes to prevailing in these campaigns.

For the CT WFP that meant four years of work prior to passing the legislation. It meant forming a diverse coalition that included labor, women’s groups, doctors, nurses, antipoverty groups, retirees, and enlightened business owners. There was an aggressive and creative media campaign, and canvassing that knocked on tens of thousands of doors, generating thousands of testimonials, letters, emails, and phone calls. The coalition relied on smart research and advice from the likes of the National Partnership for Women and Families, the Institute for Women’s Policy Research, the Economic Policy Institute, Family Values at Work, and others.

Considering the economic climate and powerful opposition that is intent on turning back the clock on hard-earned protections at the workplace, and that the margin of victory in passing the final bill in the Senate was just one vote—18-17—it’s clear that every ounce of energy from the entire coalition was required.

In Washington State, the path was no less arduous.

EOI’s statewide coalition began pushing work-family issues and paid sick leave in the state legislature over a decade ago. In 2009, on the heels of the H1N1 epidemic and sick leave legislation passing in San Francisco, DC, and Milwaukee (which was never implemented, thank you once again Scott Walker), the focus turned to municipal campaigns and there was a lot of interest in Seattle.

Throughout 2010 organizers focused on building a formidable coalition in the city. Statewide groups reached out to local groups like the Seattle Women’s Commission and Martin Luther King County Labor Council. There was a concerted effort to bring in small businesses, city council members, the mayor’s office, and the Office of Civil Rights—responsible for enforcement. Members of a coalition that had worked hard to pass national healthcare were also engaged in the local fight. Ultimately, more than 75 organizations joined the Seattle Coalition for a Healthy Workforce, including MomsRising, Puget Sound Sage, UFCW 21, Legal Voice, Washington CAN, Puget Sound Alliance for Retired Americans, and the Washington State Labor Council.

By the end of 2010 the Seattle coalition was confident that the pieces were in place for a legislative push. The visible, public part of the campaign occurred between the end of April through passage in September, but the groundwork had been laid for over a year and a half. The people of Seattle turned out—sending emails, making phone calls, packing city hall, attending rallies, and testifying at hearings. It was clear to elected officials that “the vast majority of people who live and work and shop and eat out in Seattle supported this policy,” Watkins says.

“People thought it was a really fast campaign but a number of groups had been working on this for a long time and it gave us a really strong start,” says Watkins. “We built a coalition that had a high level of trust among members. We really were able to build both the grasstops and the grassroots strength to run a successful campaign.”

This month, another fight for economic sanity will occur in New York City over a bill that would require a living wage for workers on large, city-funded development projects. Mayor Michael Bloomberg has already rolled out the job loss/competitive disadvantage arguments. The New York Times cites a Center for American Progress study that found 15 cities with living wage laws—including Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Cleveland and San Francisco—“had the same levels of employment growth” as similar cities without the higher wage requirements. New York City Public Advocate and Nation contributor Bill De Blasio—expected to run for mayor in 2013—has come out full steam in support.

This battle is like those waged successfully in Connecticut and Seattle in 2011—it’s about the heart and soul of this nation, and reforms that make a big difference in the day-to-day lives of millions of Americans.

Work-life standards like Seattle’s new paid sick days law aren’t the only way public institutions can support strong, healthy families. Grant-making agencies can also have a significant influence. Take, for example, the new standards recently released by the National Science Foundation (NSF):

Internal changes to a government agency’s home-and-work policy don’t normally warrant a White House rollout and an accompanying Washington Post op-ed. But when the National Science Foundation unveiled plans this week to instill comprehensive support for work-family balance throughout the foundation and its grant work, it was a big step toward redressing the gender gap in U.S. science and engineering.

The new policy isn’t geared exclusively toward women, although they will be its most practical beneficiaries. Researchers will be able to extend or delay research grants to have a baby or adopt a child. They will be able to take time off to care for elderly family members without worrying about losing grant money, research projects or (hopefully) career status. The NSF will even provide funding for research technicians to carry on their work while a parent temporarily leaves the lab.

And because the foundation, with its $6.8 billion annual budget, funds about 20 percent of all federally supported basic research at universities around the country, this new mandate will reach far beyond Washington. (via Miller-McCune)

The new grant-making standards from the NSF are a promising start. Now, imagine the ripple effects if other federal grant-making agencies – like the Departments of Defense, Commerce, and Agriculture – adopted similar standards for their grant recipients, encouraging sensible work-family policies that promote strong families and keep people healthy? Congress doesn’t like it’s moving on federal paid family leave or paid sick leave legislation any time soon, but grant-making standards developed within agency departments are a promising interim step.

Here in Washington State, the University of Washington ranked second in the nation (out of 1216 academic institutions) in total federal science and engineering funding in 2007, according to the NSF. Other Washington schools receiving such funding include: Western Washington University (322); Central Washington University (399); Eastern Washington University (747); and Evergreen State College (934).

Seattle Mayor Mike McGinn signed landmark city legislation into law today, ensuring that hundreds of thousands of people working in Seattle will be able to earn paid sick days on the job. When the new law takes effect next September, an estimated 150,000 workers who previously did not earn paid sick days will start to accrue them; thousands more workers will be able earn additional paid sick days and have additional flexibility for using them.

Over 100 local organizations and small businesses endorsed the paid sick days proposal, and thousands of Seattle workers called, emailed and turned out in support – a groundswell of support that eventually led to passage by the City Council on September 12th by an 8-1 vote.

“This is a major victory for everyone who works, shops and eats in the City of Seattle,” said Marilyn Watkins, spokesperson for the Seattle Coalition for a Healthy Workforce. “By allowing people to stay at home to care for themselves or a sick family member we help prevent the spread of disease and begin rebuilding family economic security and a healthy economy. Seattle’s leadership will fuel momentum for enacting paid sick days throughout the nation.”

The coalition applauded Council members Nick Licata and Tim Burgess in particular for their leadership in forging consensus among their colleagues for a strong ordinance that will protect workers, safeguard public health and support healthy businesses.

For his part, Licata credited the Seattle Coalition for a Healthy Workforce for moving the issue forward: “I chose to sponsor this bill, not only because it was the right thing to do, but because I believed that this was a coalition that would get the job done. A robust coalition of workers, employers, health care professionals, moms, and social justice activists is a coalition that just can’t be beat!”

The bill signing took place at Plum Bistro Restaurant, owned by Makini Howell, one of the first small business owners to support the proposed ordinance. “Over the last year, I joined with a group of small business owners to work alongside with public health professionals, labor unions, community groups, and elected leaders to craft this law. By collaborating and working together, we produced a law that protects the health of our customers, increases the economic security of employees, provides flexibility for small businesses, and strengthens the economy,” said Howell.

Seattle joins San Francisco, Washington, D.C., and the state of Connecticut in establishing a minimum paid sick days standard. Voters in Denver will consider a paid sick days ballot measure this November, and active campaigns are underway in other cities and states.

More than 75 organizations comprise the Seattle Coalition for a Healthy Workforce, whose leadership includes Economic Opportunity Institute, MomsRising, Puget Sound Sage, UFCW 21, Legal Voice, Washington CAN, Puget Sound Association for Retired Americans, M.L. King County Labor Council, and the Washington State Labor Council.